Professor Göran Larsson: The Roots of Gang Violence in Sweden Run Deeper Than Immigration

Interviewer: What factors contributed to the success of these integration cases?

Göran Larsson: The difficulty lies in the fact that we lack clear data on what specifically worked and what did not. However, we do know that many individuals from these earlier migration waves now view immigration and multiculturalism with increasing skepticism. This reaction is both psychological and economic.

If you have struggled for years to integrate into Swedish society, working hard and eventually achieving stability, you may not appreciate still being categorized as a migrant. There is also a growing perception that new waves of immigration threaten the hard-won security and opportunities of earlier arrivals.

This is why we must remember that “immigrants” are not a monolithic group. They differ vastly in socioeconomic status, education, and the length of time they have lived in Sweden.

Historically, Sweden has been one of the world’s most egalitarian societies—something we have prided ourselves on, perhaps excessively. Since the 1990s, however, socioeconomic disparities have widened as the economy has become more privatized and market-driven. The traditional Swedish welfare state has undergone profound transformations.

At the same time, we should be wary of idealizing Sweden’s past. The notion that the Sweden of the 1950s and 1960s was a perfectly unified society is misleading. That cohesion was largely the result of a homogenous population, while minorities—such as the Sámi and the Finnish-speaking communities—were marginalized. Moreover, Sweden had its own troubling history of racial hygiene programs and forced sterilizations.

That being said, those decades were also marked by ambitious social reforms. The so-called “Old Sweden” was guided by the principle that once a problem was identified, policies should be adapted, and the system refined to achieve better outcomes. Today, however, our challenges are more complex, shaped by global forces.

Interviewer: How do foreign conflicts and global tensions influence what happens in Sweden, including on its city streets?

Göran Larsson: Sweden has long seen a strikingly high number of foreign fighters joining conflicts abroad. As early as 2014, individuals left Sweden to fight in Ukraine—on both sides of the war. Some of those who trained in Russia later returned to Sweden.

From a Swedish historical perspective, foreign fighters are not a new phenomenon. Swedes volunteered in Finland’s Winter War and fought against fascism in the Spanish Civil War.

One of the lasting consequences of the Yugoslav Wars is Sweden’s ongoing problem with explosive devices. Bombings, particularly in gang-related violence, have become alarmingly common. Many of the explosives, such as hand grenades, originate from the Yugoslav conflict. Moreover, many immigrants from the Balkans still suffer from post-traumatic stress as a result of their wartime experiences.

In my home city of Gothenburg, 300 people left to join ISIS and similar extremist movements. Per capita, Sweden had one of the highest recruitment rates to ISIS in Europe, on par with Belgium. Some Swedish nationals were later linked to the terrorist attacks in Paris.

One of the gravest concerns today is the fate of children born under ISIS rule. These children did not choose their circumstances, yet they suffer the consequences of their parents' decisions. Some argue that Sweden has a duty to bring them home, as they are Swedish citizens. Others believe Sweden should not intervene. A few women have returned, but each case is handled individually. Many of these women require substantial support upon their return.

A political debate continues over whether those who joined ISIS should be stripped of their Swedish citizenship. Some European countries have already taken this step, while others argue that individuals who committed crimes abroad should be prosecuted in their country of origin.

The conflicts in the Middle East and Europe are deeply intertwined. For instance, during the Quran-burning incidents in Sweden, prosecutors revealed that a Swedish telecommunications company had been hacked by Iran. This cyberattack enabled the Iranian regime to send thousands of manipulated messages, highlighting how modern conflicts are fought not only with weapons but also through cyberwarfare and political influence operations. It is crucial to recognize that portraying Sweden as a country engulfed in domestic violence is, at times, part of an information war.

The Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests in Gothenburg were, for the most part, peaceful and well-organized, despite the COVID-19 restrictions in place at the time. However, a small group exploited the movement to incite violence.

Just as the BLM protests spread from the United States to Sweden, global events—whether in the Middle East or other regions—can ripple across Swedish society. For instance, conflicts in Kurdistan, Somalia, or other areas can have a direct impact on communities living in Sweden. That is why it is essential for public officials, teachers, and policymakers to understand Sweden as part of a larger global landscape.

In my previous research on the wars in Syria and Iraq, it became clear that international conflicts also manifest in Swedish classrooms. Teachers have had to develop strategies to address tensions, including those stemming from the current war between Hamas and Israel.

Sweden is home to a significant population with ties to Palestine, Lebanon, and Iran. These connections evoke strong emotions, sometimes leading to public protests and clashes of interests. Understanding these dynamics is crucial in addressing Sweden’s evolving social challenges.

Interviewer: Currently, one-fifth of Sweden’s population has a foreign background. What is their religious affiliation?

Göran Larsson: Since Sweden does not officially register religious affiliation, estimates suggest that between 800,000 and one million people in the country have a Muslim cultural background. However, it is crucial to distinguish between cultural and religious identity. Many Swedes come from a Christian cultural environment, but that does not necessarily make them practicing Christians. Similarly, many individuals with a Muslim background do not actively practice Islam.

Recent studies indicate a growing group of so-called post-Muslims in Sweden—people who do not attend mosques but may still practice their faith privately. This suggests that secularization is taking place within Sweden’s Muslim communities, mirroring trends previously observed in traditionally Christian populations.

Interviewer: What percentage of this population—up to one million people—is fully integrated into Swedish societal values?

Göran Larsson: It is extremely difficult to determine with precision. However, we do know that Sweden, like many Western and Northern European countries, is grappling with segregation. By segregation, I mean that socioeconomic disparities play a significant role in shaping people’s quality of life and opportunities for social mobility. This presents a major challenge for Sweden.

A continuous political debate surrounds the causes of segregation and the best approach to address it. Different political factions have deeply opposing views on the issue, further exacerbating societal divisions.

For example, in Estonia, most people reside in three major cities. In contrast, Sweden, with a population of 10.5 million, is far more geographically dispersed. There are vast differences not only between urban and rural areas but also within cities themselves. Even within urban centers, there is a stark contrast between affluent downtown districts and poorer, more isolated neighborhoods.

However, segregation is not solely linked to poverty. Some areas remain exclusive due to extreme wealth, with gated communities and prohibitively expensive housing. The current challenges Sweden faces are part of a broader societal transformation that has been unfolding over time.

Interviewer: How has Sweden’s immigration policy changed in recent years?

Göran Larsson: Sweden has shifted from a highly liberal approach to more restrictive regulations, aligning its policies with those of most other European countries.

However, Sweden’s demographic makeup continues to shape its attitude toward immigration, as many citizens have personal or familial ties to different regions of the world. Regardless of one’s stance on immigration, factors such as economic interdependence, the influence of social media, and global crises—such as climate change—will continue to affect us all.

Interviewer: Does Sweden have hate speech laws? And why is Quran burning not considered hate speech under these laws? What is the distinction?

Göran Larsson: Yes, Sweden has hate speech laws. In the fall, Quran-burner Rasmus Paludan was convicted of hate speech—but not for burning the Quran. His offense was based on what he said while burning the Quran. He used stereotypical and derogatory language to describe Muslims, which was classified as hate speech. As a result, he was sentenced to four months in prison and ordered to pay compensation to an individual he had verbally attacked at one of his events.

However, Paludan was not satisfied with the ruling, and the case is still ongoing. Ultimately, it may reach the Supreme Court, which could establish a legal precedent. Swedish law protects individuals from discrimination based on religion. However, the concept of Islamophobia is more legally complex to apply, as Muslims are not a single nationality or ethnic group.

Interviewer: Is burning the Swedish flag legal?

Göran Larsson: Yes. However, in the 1970s, there was controversy when an artist, Carl Johan De Geer, used the Swedish flag as a canvas and wrote a provocative message on it ("Crush the Swedish Flag"). Initially, the exhibition was banned, but later, the courts ruled that it was not illegal. Similarly, some musicians have used the Swedish flag provocatively in song lyrics and performances.

In an open democratic society, various forms of self-expression are permitted. However, just because something is legal does not necessarily mean it is wise or appropriate. People should still exercise common sense. Burning flags, sacred texts, or even music records—such as when Americans burned The Beatles albums in 1966 after John Lennon's comment that "we are more popular than Jesus"—can escalate tensions.

Right now, it seems we are highly skilled at fueling conflicts, both in Sweden and globally. Starting a conflict—or even a war—is easy; ending it is far more difficult. We need better strategies for de-escalation, for managing conflicts in ways that prevent them from spiraling out of control.

Interviewer: How is the Swedish police force coping during these challenging times?

Göran Larsson: The Swedish police have become more effective in solving shootings and bombings, largely due to their long-term focus on gang violence. This has helped increase public trust. However, high-ranking police officials emphasize that solving crimes alone is not enough—preventing young people from being recruited into gangs is equally crucial.

In recent years, gangs have increasingly used social media to recruit very young individuals, even 12- and 13-year-old children, offering them small criminal jobs. They specifically target minors because juvenile sentences are more lenient.

This issue is no longer solely linked to immigration—Swedish-born children are also being drawn into criminal networks. Society as a whole plays a role in this problem. For instance, drug consumption fuels organized crime. Investigations have revealed that criminal networks receive support from sectors like banking, real estate, and social welfare. Some real estate agents have even helped criminals launder money through property transactions.

The public strongly supports tougher penalties. There is also broad approval for expanding surveillance measures, such as the increased use of security cameras. Longer prison sentences may not address the root causes of crime, but they serve an important symbolic function—demonstrating that criminal actions have real consequences.

At the same time, the broader approach is problematic—police primarily deal with the aftermath, but prevention should be the responsibility of families, schools, healthcare, and social services. The representation of officers with foreign backgrounds in the police force remains relatively low, which is a significant issue.

Gang crime is particularly severe in Stockholm, prompting the police to reassign officers from other regions to the capital. While this helps curb violence in Stockholm, it also affects security in other parts of Sweden. With the police focused on tackling gangs, smaller crimes—such as bicycle thefts and burglaries—receive less attention.

Police funding has fluctuated over the years. At times, there are calls for more officers; at other times, budget cuts are imposed. What is needed is long-term, stable funding and consistent policies rather than constant shifts in direction.