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“Thank you for your service” is a phrase most Germans have heard Americans say to their soldiers. Now it's the Bundeswehr’s armed personnel who are hearing “danke” in Lithuania, where the formation of their permanent brigade was recently marked by a ceremony attended by national leaders.
This preemptive gratitude also carries pressure for the Germans, as expectations for this unique project are high — and much still needs to be done and proven.
When Panzerbrigade 45 — the official name of the new tank brigade created for deployment in Lithuania — assembled last week for its founding ceremony on Vilnius Cathedral Square, the host country's weather welcomed them with alternating sunshine and heavy downpours. Hundreds of soldiers from Germany, Lithuania, and allied nations stood at attention as dignitaries, including Germany’s newly appointed Chancellor Friedrich Merz, delivered speeches. Listening attentively alongside the hundreds of Lithuanians were also many German civilians — family members of Bundeswehr troops already settling into life in Vilnius.
“Today, it is we who carry the responsibility. Lithuania asked for support — and Germany is ready. Defending Vilnius means defending Berlin. You can count on Germany,” Merz declared, sounding remarkably like U.S. President John F. Kennedy in his 1963 speech in West Berlin. The crowd erupted in cheers.
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Neither the Germans nor Merz himself had ever experienced anything like this before. And while they were well aware that these German soldiers were not the first to set foot on Lithuanian soil in the past 80 years, the guests admitted that the warm welcome was both unexpected and a pleasant surprise.
Much like the Berlin Brigade — the U.S. garrison stationed in West Berlin during the Cold War — Germany’s project in Lithuania is more than just a symbol. On one hand, Panzerbrigade 45 is a unique experiment in every conceivable way; on the other, it’s a bold gambit — too important to fail, yet full of obstacles, unprecedented situations, and looming uncertainty.
Unlike the NATO battlegroups stationed in Latvia and Estonia, where Canada and the United Kingdom lead battalion-sized units supported by brigades based in their home countries, Germany — perhaps even against its own cautious instincts — has chosen a riskier approach: the forward deployment of an entire brigade to Lithuania.
The decision, made in 2022 following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, is finally taking shape. Infrastructure including barracks, administrative and support facilities, and training grounds are being constructed for the entire brigade about 40 kilometers south of Vilnius, in Rūdninkai. Ironically, the site was once a Soviet bombing range where pilots trained for attack missions against West Germany.
The so-called Lithuania Brigade is also tied to an even larger supporting unit — the entire German 10th Tank Division. But much like the brigade in Lithuania, this division doesn’t truly exist yet either.
Preparations haven’t gone entirely smoothly, as some Lithuanian army units had to make room for the foreign forces and temporarily host German soldiers and equipment that is being gradually brought in.
The promise to permanently station troops in another country is a first for Germany — and it doesn’t just mean relocating 4,800 soldiers to Lithuania. It also involves a wave of civilians, including soldiers’ family members, as well as the need for administrative staff and teachers.
Nearly 500 troops from the brigade’s advance unit, along with their families, have already settled in Lithuania, primarily in Vilnius. They, too, have faced challenges adjusting. Families used to more spacious housing, for example, have struggled to find suitable rental homes.
But in Vilnius’s more well-off neighborhoods, German officers and non-commissioned officers are becoming an increasingly common sight — walking in groups or with family members who are beginning to settle in, chatting with locals who aren’t shy about saying “thank you” or even occasionally buying them a beer. For the Germans — and for Germany — it’s a powerful incentive to defend Lithuania with more than just words.
“This is my home now — at least for the next few years. My family is here, and if something happens to Lithuania, I’ll be defending my home,” said a senior officer from Panzerbrigade 45. Right now, the unit’s soldiers are the brigade’s best ambassadors and recruiters — if they feel needed and believe their mission is worth the effort, word of that spreads quickly through their ranks.
Of course, the honeymoon phase won’t last forever. Germany’s far-left party Die Linke, which often echoes Kremlin talking points, and the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) have already voiced skepticism about the brigade’s deployment to Lithuania. But most doubts about the project’s success are less political and more practical — centered above all on the brigade’s readiness and Germany’s long-term commitment.
“This is my home now — at least for the next few years. My family is here, and if something happens to Lithuania, I will defend my home.”
A senior officer from Panzerbrigade 45
Currently, the brigade is staffed on a voluntary basis at about one-third of its intended strength. There are logistical shortfalls, a lack of IT specialists, insufficient training grounds for the brigade's personnel, and the promised equipment has yet to be delivered. The brigade is expected to be fully operational and combat-ready by 2027.
A lingering question remains — one that has been raised repeatedly: will 5,000 German troops be enough if Russia ever decides to launch an attack? In response, both Panzerbrigade 45 and Lithuanian military commanders emphasize not only the importance of collective defense, but also the fact that the so-called Lithuania Brigade is linked to a much larger reinforcement unit — Germany’s entire 10th Tank Division, which would be activated in a crisis.
Still, the Germans acknowledge the problem: just like the brigade in Lithuania, the division doesn’t really exist yet. It’s more of a shell — something that is still being built, largely held together by promises, ambition, and hope.
In private conversations, German diplomats try to strike an encouraging tone: the new government has pledged to build Europe’s strongest conventional army and has made the brigade project a top priority — effectively tying itself, and its political future, to the brigade’s success. Which means failure is not an option. But governments and political promises all share one thing in common: they don’t last forever.